India’s Stance on the ongoing Ukraine Conflict

 



 

·          The origins

During the Cold WarIndia and the Soviet Union (USSR) had a strong strategic, military, economic and diplomatic relationship. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia inherited its close relationship with India which resulted in both nations sharing a special relationship. Russia and India both term this relationship as a "special and privileged strategic partnership".

Throughout the course of independent India’s history, The USSR has been India’s strongest pillar both in the international as well as in the domestic theatre. On the international stage The Soviet Union steadfastly backed India’s stance on the Kashmir issue, the Bangladesh Liberation War and India’s peaceful nuclear tests. Even after the disintegration of The Soviet Union, Russia continued the role of being India’s elder brother; if there ever has been.

Traditionally, the Indo-Russian strategic partnership has been built on five major components: politicsdefencecivil nuclear energyanti-terrorism co-operation and space. In recent years a sixth, economic component has grown in importance.

Ukraine has been positively co-operating with India at the international level as well. Ukraine supports the resolution of the issue of Jammu & Kashmir on the basis of Simla agreement. Ukraine also supports reforms of the UN structure. There is also a presence of a vibrant Indian diaspora in Ukraine mainly comprising of students and business professionals.

There have also been notable instances where Ukraine was involved in decisions which weren’t in favour of India. We have the 1998 nuclear tests condemnation, the UN intervention on the article 370A Kashmir bill and the sale of military equipment to Pakistan worth 650 million dollars.

·     

T   The Conflict

Russia invaded Ukraine on 24 February 2022. Internationally considered a war of aggression, the invasion is the largest conventional military attack on a European state since World War II. The invasion was a major escalation of the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian conflict that began in 2014. This conflict began with the 2014 Ukrainian Revolution of Dignity, when Russia annexed Crimea, and Russian-backed separatists seized part of south-east Ukraine, starting the war in Donbas. In 2021, Russia began a large military build-up along its border with Ukraine, amassing up to 190,000 troops along with their equipment.

Russian president Vladimir Putin questioned Ukraine's right to statehood, and falsely accused Ukraine of being dominated by neo-Nazis who persecute the Russian-speaking minority. Putin said the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) had threatened Russia's security by expanding eastward since the early 2000s – a claim disputed by NATO– and demanded Ukraine be barred from ever joining the alliance. The United States and others accused Russia of planning to attack or invade Ukraine, which Russian officials repeatedly denied as late as 23 February 2022.

The invasion began on the morning of 24 February, when Putin announced a "special military operation" to "demilitarise and de-nazify" Ukraine. Minutes later, missiles and airstrikes struck throughout Ukraine, including the capital Kyiv, shortly followed by a large ground invasion from multiple directions. In response, Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy enacted martial law and general mobilisation.

 

 

·        Indian Response to the conflict

Prime Minister Narendra Modi appealed for an immediate cessation of violence in Ukraine in a phone call to Putin on 24 February. He also spoke with Zelenskyy on the 26th without ascribing responsibility for the violence. Modi has raised concern for the safe exit and return of 18,000 Indian students in Ukraine. The Indian government has refrained from taking a stand on the issue.

Earlier that day, the Ministry of External Affairs had announced that "India is closely following the development of events in the region". India is also considering setting up a mechanism to trade with Russia using rupees to avoid the effects of sanctions on trade between the two countries. Russia provides about 70% of Indian arms and has had close relations since the Cold War. India was the only member of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) not to ban Russian exports.

 

·        🤔 Thinking Face Emoji — Meaning, Copy & PasteOn which side should India sway, the Russian or the NATO way?

India’s reluctance to publicly criticize Russian President Vladimir Putin’s all-out war on Ukraine has surprised many observers. Alongside 34 other countries, including China and also the United Arab Emirates, India abstained from the vote on the recent United Nations Security Council resolution condemning the Russian invasion. In stressing the importance of “the UN Charter, international law, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states”, India’s UN representative, TS Trimurti, signalled indirect disapproval of Moscow’s actions – but this wasn't enough to satisfy the West’s need for a transparent position from India.


There seems to be no room for important geopolitical players to remain silent. The world’s largest democracy may be a key pillar of the United States’ Indo-Pacific policy and features heavily within the European Union’s plans for increased engagement within the region. So, the EU and its allies are placing India under considerable pressure to talk up.


But instead of questioning India’s position as a like-minded partner – and with it, the stronger EU-India relations of the last two years – the union should do more to demonstrate its commitment to deeper cooperation with the country. Indeed, it's within the EU’s interest to point it out to India that it's a reliable partner.


Indian administration said that state-controlled Indian Oil Corp. had reached a deal to purchase 3 million barrels of oil from Russia’s Rosneft Oil Co. at a 20% discount to global prices. This is a drop in the ocean of India’s oil needs, which stood at 4.5 million barrels each day in January. Still, if a payment system in rupees is figured out that insulates the transaction from sanctions placed on Russia, far more could follow.


The United States isn’t happy. White House spokesperson Jen Psaki said India should worry about how it'll feature within the history books when the story of the Ukraine invasion is written. If this one deal results in more, you must expect questions about whether the West has reposed an excessive amount of faith in India.
Yet India has equal cause to wonder if it’s placed an excessive amount of faith in the West. Even as Europe and the U.S. congratulate themselves on the speed and effectiveness of their sanctions against Russia, they appear to be blind to the impact of those sanctions on the remainder of the world.


To India and many other developing countries, Western powers and the institutions they dominate appear to have different standards for conflicts close to home. While the world Bank has been slow to deal with the concerns of other war-torn nations, it has put together a $700 million package for Ukraine in record time. Some economists say the International monetary fund could also be skirting its norms to send $1.4 billion in emergency funding to Ukraine.
Meanwhile, those same Western nations are proving themselves poor stewards of the worldwide commons. Take the cut-off of several Russian banks from the SWIFT financial messaging system. We have grown familiar with thinking of interbank communications as a worldwide utility; they’ve now been turned into a tool of Western foreign policy. This was a unilateral decision by the countries that control SWIFT which, besides the U.S. and Japan, are all European.

 

Little thought was given to how countries like India, which are dependent on SWIFT to purchase oil and fertilizers from Russia, would manage the fallout. It should come as no surprise that India’s reaction has been to look for a way around the sanctions by settling trade with Russia in rupees and roubles.


Criticizing India for continuing to buy oil from Russia is particularly galling, provided those European nations have yet to wean themselves off Russian energy supplies either. And, unlike them, India can hardly afford such bills. If oil remains above $70 a barrel for months, the rupee will collapse, the govt. will run out of spending money, inflation will skyrocket and thus the country will have to start worrying about a balance of payments crisis.


We have lived through this kind of disruption at least twice before, in 1991 and 2012. Yet our supposed partners in the West don't seem to acknowledge that avoiding another one is a major national priority. Apart from this, they don’t seem to appreciate how hypocritical their talk about sanctions can appear. The U.S. spent most of the last decade trying to convince India to not buy Iranian oil, only to try to get Iranian shipments back on the market as soon as the focus shifted to Russia. While the U.S. and Europe expect other countries to bear the price of sanctions, they’re too timid even to send Polish fighter jets to Ukraine.
Moreover, in the long-term, India fears that sanctions will push Russia ever closer to China and expand Beijing’s control over the global economy. If some in the West worry that India is not lining up on their side, then it should be known that many Indians worry as well that the West’s notion of “their side” doesn't include India.

 

India’s policy so far has served the national interest well and achieved the status of a swing state. India now is too costly to be lost as an ally on the international stage. This is the result of decades of consistency in our foreign policy which doesn’t align with any hegemon, rather it aligns solely with the interests of the Indian populace. India today enjoys a privileged partnership with Russia as well as with the west. There was a time when India was isolated and The USSR was the only reliable ally India ever had; now when the circumstances have changed the least India can do is abstain and refrain from condemning Russia.

But geopolitics and international relations do not function on the mechanisms of morality and emotions, they work majorly on the mechanism of self-interest. So, answering the question on which way should India sway; India should sway on its own way, neither the Russian nor the American, but its own, as it always had no matter whether there was one ally or there are multiple allies.

 

Credits and References

Riddhijit Basu SY Electrical (Team Thursday Awareness)

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/India%E2%80%93Russia_relations#:~:text=Russia%20and%20India%20both%20term,terrorism%20co%2Doperation%20and%20space

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/India%E2%80%93Ukraine_relations#:~:text=The%20Republic%20of%20India%20recognised,New%20Delhi%20in%20February%201993

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russo-Ukrainian_War

 


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